There are major issues to be agreed between the European Union and the United Kingdom in the divorce negotiations, which have commenced. The UK does not appear to have an agreed objective or a realistic strategy, the origin of this goes back to the referendum on June 25, 2016, where there was no published document explaining the issues involved. In the process, unrealistic expectations were fostered, which cannot be attained. The UK has stated that it wants to leave the Single Market, the Customs Union, control immigration, and end the jurisdiction of the European Court. They also want full free trade with the EU, ‘a frictionless border’ along the 500km between the north and south in Ireland, and no be bound by any of the rules and laws of membership. It is slowly being realised that all these objectives are not attainable, hence the confusion. This was compounded by the recent election, when the Prime Minister, Theresa May, sought a mandate for a hard exit and did not receive it. The country has now a divided minority government, depending for its survival on ten votes from the Democratic Unionist Party in Northern Ireland. The Labour Party is also divided on the EU. Recently the Financial Times specified some of the issues involved in leaving the EU, including the UK having to negotiate 759 international agreements with 168 countries. Even negotiating one trade agreement is a time consuming and difficult process never mind that number.
The Prime Minister has stated on a number of occasions that: ‘Brexit means Brexit’, but what does that slogan really mean? Some people in Ireland have started to see a similarity between that slogan and what happened there in 1921. At that time, the political objective of nationalist Ireland was for a Republic. For many supporters, a Republic meant a Republic, a 32 Irish Republic with no connection with the Crown. This arose in the aftermath of the 1916 Rising, a democratic mandate from the December 1918 general election, and the Declaration of Independence by the nationalist members in the First Dáil on January 21, 1919 (which was not recognised by the elected Unionists or the remaining members of the Irish Parliamentary Party, or by Britain).
By 1920, there was no way that the aspirations of nationalists and unionists could be reconciled in a united self-governing country. However, for some, the only objective was a 32 county republic. After weeks of difficult negotiations in London, ‘articles of agreement for a treaty’, generally known in Irish history as the Anglo-Irish Treaty, were signed on December 6, 1921. This provided for the establishment of an Irish Free State in the twenty-six counties as a self-governing dominion within the British Commonwealth, with the British monarch as Head of State, and Irish Members of Parliament obliged to take an oath of allegiance to the Crown. The Northern Ireland Parliament, which was established in June 1921, opted not to join the Irish Free State. Some regarded the terms as the best that could be obtained at that time, while others regarded them as a betrayal of the Republic declared in 1916 and 1919. The treaty resulted in a split in the Sinn Féin Party, which was already divided, disillusionment and bitter recriminations. The dreams of people for a better future in an independent state were soon shattered by acrimony and a civil war between opponents and supporters of the Anglo-Irish Treaty within the republican movement. Tensions had started to germinate before the treaty, arising from the mantra ‘Republic means Republic’.
Many in the UK accept that compromises are required in order to reach a satisfactory agreement with the EU. The big questions are what compromises and by whom? Compromises are never easy, once entrenched positions are taken, and require great leaders in a hostile climate. No one wants to be accused of betrayal. Already, it is generally accepted that there has to be a transitional period for two or three years after March 2019. Some see this development already as a sign of weakness, but for others it is a pragmatic and realistic decision. The road ahead will not be easy for the negotiators. Regardless of the eventual outcome, it appears at present that there is going to be huge disappointment in store for half the population, which could leave a residue of bitterness and recriminations for years to come.
Bernard O'Hara's latest book entitled Killasser: Heritage of a Mayo Parish is now on sale in the USA and UK as a paperback book at amazon.com, amazon.co.uk or Barnes and Noble
It is also available as an eBook from the Apple iBookstore (for reading on iPad and iPhone), from Amazon.com and Amazon.co.uk (Kindle & Kindle Fire) and from Barnesandnoble.com (Nook tablet and eReader).
An earlier publication, a concise biography of Michael Davitt, entitled Davitt by Bernard O’Hara published in 2006 by Mayo County Council , is now available as Davitt: Irish Patriot and Father of the Land League by Bernard O’Hara, which was published in the USA by Tudor Gate Press (www.tudorgatepress.com) and is available from amazon.com and amazon.co.uk. It can be obtained as an eBook from the Apple iBookstore (for reading on iPad and iPhone), from Amazon.com and Amazon.co.uk (Kindle & Kindle Fire) and from Barnesandnoble.com (Nook tablet and eReader).